Food Deserts in the Twin Cities

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) defines food deserts as “regions of the country that often have large proportions of households with low incomes, inadequate access to transportation, and a limited number of food retailers providing fresh produce and healthy groceries for affordable prices”  [1] . As of 2019, 28% of census tracts in the US were categorized as food deserts by the USDA. The USDA determines food deserts by assigning them as low-income and low-access. Low-income is defined as a poverty rate of 20% or higher, and a low-access tract has 33% of the population outside of a specified range of a grocery store. For this project, a half mile in urban areas is used to dictate low-access.

There has been some criticism to the USDA’s method of classifying food deserts because they only use income and distance from a grocery store. While these are important factors in the development of food deserts, there are many other contributors that impact their formation  [2] . Socio-economic factors, especially race and minority percentages, have a large impact on the formation of food deserts. The relationship between race and income has historical ties to the former practice of redlining. Redlining was a practice used by banks to evaluate how risky a loan or mortgage was to give to people living in certain neighborhoods. This policy was used from the 1930's until it was made illegal in the 1970's. Neighborhoods with white people were rated better than those with black and immigrant residents  [3] . Even being close to a black neighborhood could lower an area's grade. The neighborhoods with the lowest grade were outlined in red and were deemed too risky for loans.

This discriminatory practice prevented non-white families from accumulating wealth in a post-Great Depression and World War II time period that gave the average American family great financial prosperity. In the 1950s, the economy grew by 37% and by the 1960s, the median American family had 30% more purchasing power  [4] . Even with this economic boom, 25% of Americans lived in poverty, with a large proportion of them being minorities. Much of the infrastructure built during this time took advantage of the cheap property prices in redlined neighborhoods, constructing warehouses and highways that fractured communities. An example of this practice is the creation of I-94, a highway built to connect the metropolitan areas of Minneapolis and St. Paul in the 1950s. The highway was built straight through the vibrant, predominantly black Rondo neighborhood. 650 houses and over 100 black-owned businesses were destroyed  [5] . Even though redlining is not used today, its influence is still felt in urban areas and through the existence of a strong correlation between race and income.

Race and income both impact the presence of grocery stores in a neighborhood. A study found that wealthier neighborhoods had three times as many grocery stores as poor neighborhoods, and that “there are four times more supermarkets located in white neighborhoods compared to black neighborhoods”  [6] . The grocery stores in predominantly black neighborhoods were also found to be smaller and had less variety of food. Instead, these areas are dominated by fast food chains, liquor stores, and convenience stores, selling food with little nutritional value. The absence of a neighborhood grocery store causes residents to consume food of lower nutritional value, increasing the risk for diet-related health conditions. A study found that “the overall nutritional quality of food purchases has been found to be significantly lower among lower income household compared with higher income households”  [7] .

Price of food has a large effect on who the item is accessible to. Grocery stores in urban areas have been found to have higher prices than those in suburbs, which means that even with a grocery store present, lower income residents may not be able to afford to shop there. A study done that involved interviewing Minneapolis residents on their food purchasing habits found that many of them choose to arrange transportation to nearby suburbs to purchase groceries because of the lower prices, extra amenities, and an improvement in perceived safety and employee respectfulness  [8] . Studies have also found that “urban residents who purchase groceries at small neighborhood stores pay between 3 and 37 percent more than suburbanites buying the same products at supermarkets”  [9] . For those with no means of transportation, they may rely on cheaper, less nutritious food for their caloric intake. The price of produce has increased by nearly 74.6% between 1989 and 2005, while the price of processed, fatty foods dropped by 26.5% during the same period  [9] .

Transportation is another important variable to consider regarding people’s access to grocery stores. If a grocery store is not within walking distance, some sort of vehicle is required, whether that is a car or public transportation. Public transportation is only feasible when a stop is located close to a resident’s house and a grocery store. As a part of Metro Transit’s “Network Now,” the company is reevaluating routes and stop locations to better match citizens desired travel destinations, which includes amenities such as grocery stores  [10] . Carpooling has proven to be a successful option for some residents in Minneapolis  [8] , but not everyone has a social network that includes someone who is a vehicle owner. Race is often related to vehicle ownership, with white Americans having “three times greater access to private transportation than Black Americans living in similar locations”  [11] . With access to transportation being a limiting factor in access to grocery stores, it is crucial to have a source of nutritious food within a practical walking distance.

"The migration of supermarkets to the suburbs and a lack of transportation contribute to the malnutrition experienced by low-income Americans.”

The health impacts caused by poor nutrition are thoroughly researched and well-documented. Diets full of processed foods high in saturated fats, sodium, and sugar put people at a higher risk of obesity, heart disease and stroke, type 2 diabetes, and some cancers  [12] . In the US, “20% of young people aged 2 to 19 years and 42% of adults” are considered obese  [12] . The rise of fast-food chains and the prevalence of processed foods on store shelves has led to 9 in 10 Americans consuming too much sodium, with the average being 3,400 mg a day compared to the recommended less than 2,300 mg a day  [12] . A deficit in nutrients like fiber, potassium, vitamin B, iron, antioxidants, vitamin A, and many others increases the chance of developing chronic health conditions, decreases life span  [13] , and can even reduce intelligence  [14] .

Poor nutrition and the resulting health conditions are more common in food deserts. Neighborhoods that contained a supermarket were associated with lower rates of obesity and hypertension [ 11 ,  15 ]. A higher proportion of residents living in a census tract with a supermarket reported meeting dietary requirements for fruit and vegetables than those living in a census tract without a supermarket  [11] . A study found that the opening of a supermarket in a neighborhood improved food security and diet quality, specifically seen in a reduction of sugar intake  [16] . The impacts of diet are particularly influential on children’s health, with one study finding that “children living in neighborhoods dominated by convenience stores and fast-food restaurants tend to have higher BMIs and consume less-healthful foods”  [17] . Poverty is also linked to higher obesity rates, sedentariness, and diabetes  [18] . Processed food is much cheaper than fresh produce or meats, leading to a higher consumption of processed food, which can lead to these chronic health conditions.  

Mapping can be a helpful tool for locating potential food deserts. Using demographic data, hotspots can be detected where food deserts are most susceptible to form.

Former redlining status is another important factor to consider when identifying areas most at risk for food insecurity because of its historic mistreatment of non-white people and the lack of resources put into developing these areas.

There appears to be some correlation between former redlining status and 2019 food deserts, but not enough to state definitively that the location of redlining is linked to the formation of food deserts in the same location. Northwest Minneapolis had a large portion assigned as "definitely declining" as well as "hazardous," which may have had an influence on its current designation as a food desert. The neighborhood near Lilydale was also deemed "hazardous" and is now a food desert. It is difficult to draw conclusions about St. Paul because much of it was undeveloped in 1934, particularly in the north and west. However, many census blocks were named "definitely declining," and the area that was called "best" is not a food desert while the surrounding area is. Overall, formally redlined neighborhoods have some correlation to current food deserts, but other factors must be considered as well.

Health impacts of living in food deserts can be clearly visualized by comparing food desert status and chronic diet-related disease rates.

Obesity rates show a clear pattern in regards to food desert status. North Minneapolis has higher rates of obesity than surrounding census tracts that are not considered a food desert. Much of St. Paul also has high obesity rates and many food desert census tracts. Some areas deviate from this trend, as seen in the census tracts in St. Paul that have the highest percent obese are not considered a food desert.

Diabetes has many of the same patterns as obesity, most likely because those who are considered obese are more likely to develop type-2 diabetes. Once again, the similarities in North Minneapolis are prominent, with the high rates of diabetes and many census tracts considered to be food deserts. St. Paul has many census tracts with high rates of diabetes in the same area that food deserts are common. The census tracts slightly northwest of downtown Minneapolis stand out because they have low rates of diabetes but are considered a food desert. Overall, both of maps showing chronic diet-related health conditions have a strong correlation to food desert status.

Next is a map that illustrates 2019 census tracts identified as food deserts by USDA standards for low income and low access, alongside commercial spaces that have the potential to contain food retailers.

A potential factor in the formation of food deserts is the space available for commercial expansion in zoning codes. Food deserts can form in places where large areas are designated solely for residential building, with no zoning allowance for commercial areas where grocery stores can be built. This effect is observed in Northwest Minneapolis, North St. Paul, and West St. Paul. Lack of commercial space does not entirely explain the food desert phenomenon.

In the early 1900s, grocery shopping was completed by visiting a series of specialty shops to purchase food, such as butcher shops and bakeries. The first self-service supermarket was Piggly-Wiggly, founded in 1916 in Tennessee. This revolutionized what grocery shopping looked like for both the consumer and store owners. Consumers could now make a singular trip to fulfil their grocery needs and choose their own items from the aisles, while store owners needed fewer staff to run their business. The onset of World War II in the 1940s was disastrous for specialty stores who lost many of their employees to the draft, with 1 in 10 of the US population being drafted into service  [20 ]. While the reduction in the labor force hurt smaller stores, supermarkets were able to thrive with their self-service model. Post-war, supermarkets maintained their dominance of the grocery market and continued to grow during the suburbanization movement of the 1950s. As middle-class white families moved into new suburban developments, supermarkets followed them, eager for opportunities of larger stores and new consumers. By the 1960s, supermarkets' share of the retail food market jumped from 35% to 70% and the average store size had risen from 10,000 square feet to almost 25,000 [21]. The situation in urban areas was worsening, with poverty rates rising and poor, often black families being concentrated into neighborhoods because of redlining policies. Supermarkets began disinvesting in urban environments because of the higher land and labor costs, profit loss on perishable items, and increased theft [22], although these reasons were based on stereotypes. The term “supermarket redlining” was coined to describe “the disinclination of chain supermarkets to relocate or pull out existing stores from impoverished neighborhoods”  [23] . When a supermarket opens in a neighborhood, they tend to drive smaller grocery stores out of business, so when they close down or relocate, residents have no source of healthy food  [23] .  

"It makes no sense to serve distressed areas when profits in the serene suburbs come so easily."

The migration of supermarkets to the suburbs, especially in poorer neighborhoods, has left residents to rely on corner stores to supply their grocery needs. Corner stores are small, often independently owned stores that typically stock processed snacks and drinks, some staple food items like bread and milk, basic toiletries, and tobacco products. Frequent customers of corner stores tend to have “higher rates of food insecurity and lower socio-economic status (no car, limited education and employment) than those shopping more frequently at large supermarkets”  [25] . Stocking produce is difficult for corner stores because they don’t sell enough inventory to buy produce wholesale, so if they do stock it, the store owner buys produce from a supermarket and resells it, creating a double price markup. If stores are able to stock produce, “customers are more likely to purchase fruits and vegetables when there is a wider variety in the store,” and those who use SNAP benefits are also more likely to purchase produce  [25] .

Corner stores are often owned by a resident of the neighborhood, meaning they form personal relationships with customers and are more invested in improving their community. Customers who develop personal relationships with store owners are also more likely to try new options that are recommended to them or even ask for health advice  [26] . A study surveying Baltimore store owners found that there were “increased requests for fruit and vegetables… but described budgetary constraints or limited availability of healthy options in stores as major barriers”  [26] . Corner stores having a more food-insecure customer-base and a more involved position in the local community make them an ideal target for additional support in mitigating the effects of food deserts.

Brightside Produce is a nonprofit based in the Twin Cities that was founded with the goal of bringing fresh produce to corner stores at low prices  [27] . They were founded in 2014 when two young residents of North Minneapolis, Adam Pruitt and Deedee Fuller, teamed up with Dr. Adam Kay to combat food insecurity in their neighborhood. In 2014, the Staple Food Ordinance was passed by the city of Minneapolis which requires all licensed grocery stores to carry a certain volume and variety of fruits and vegetables, along with other staple food items. This was passed to help “ensure that everyone has access to healthy foods no matter where they shop”  [28] , but smaller stores struggled to stock produce while still gaining profit. They did not sell enough inventory to purchase produce wholesale, so store owners were buying produce at another supermarket and reselling it, meaning the item was marked up twice for retail. Healthy food is already more expensive in cities, and many of the customers who shop at corner stores are lower income, so this solution was not helping those who needed expanded access to healthy food the most.

"At Brightside, we strive to build a more equitable food system by expanding access to affordable fresh produce."

As of May 2024, Brightside is delivering to 41 corner stores in both Minneapolis and St. Paul. They keep the process as simple and accessible to store owners as possible by having no minimum order requirement, no contracts, and weekly deliveries right to their store. They also purchase any produce that is not sold for the same price that the store bought it for, meaning there is no financial risk. Brightside seeks out stores that are located in areas with a high residential population, lack a grocery store within walking distance, and ideally those that accept SNAP benefits. Finding stores that fit these criteria ensures that Brightside’s efforts have the maximum impact in the neighborhoods who need their support most.

In 2020, Brightside expanded their operations to include home deliveries. These bundles come with a choice on size, organic or conventional produce, and add-ons from local vendors. Possible add-ons include eggs, coffee beans, hot sauce, peanut butter, and paprika, all from local sources. They also allow customers to customize their bundles to match their food preferences. The home deliveries have a “food justice surcharge,” which is an added cost that assists in maintaining Brightside’s efforts in fighting food insecurity. They also offer a “pay what you can” model which delivers fresh produce to community members at a price that works for their situation. Brightside has also partnered with community health clinics to deliver produce as part of a client’s treatment plan for those who are food insecure and suffer from a diet-related health condition.

The following map shows the location of stores Brightside has partnered with, overlaid on a map showing the food desert status of the Twin Cities' census tracts.

The stores that Brightside works with are closely related to the food desert status, especially in Minneapolis. Brightside's prioritization of working with stores in residential areas without a grocery store in walking distance has clearly been a successful strategy. St. Paul still has room for improvement, but Brightside expanded into St. Paul only a few years ago, so the full potential is yet to be realized.

Food deserts are a complex issue created by a multitude of factors. Historical elements like redlining and the migration of supermarkets to the suburbs demonstrate the racism that shaped American cities and the impacts that are still felt today. City planning has created issues by segregating commercial areas from residential, making vehicles the only practical way of travel. Supermarkets are constructed around the use of cars, evident by the expansive parking lots situated in front. For residents without access to a vehicle and no supermarket within walking distance, corner stores become their food provider, but many of them struggle to stock fresh produce. Brightside Produce has created an innovative distribution system to deliver healthy produce to corner stores at prices they can afford, along with a number of other programs all with the goal of alleviating food insecurity. Analysis of demographic data and historical factors can be used to create novel relief efforts for those living in food deserts.

[1] Dutko, Paula, Michele Ver Ploeg, and Tracey Farrigan. Characteristics and Influential Factors of Food Deserts, ERR-140, U.S. Department of Agriculture, Economic Research Service, August 2012.

[2] Johnson, Renée, and Nyah Stewart. “Defining Low-Income, Low-Access Food Areas (Food Deserts).” Congressional Research Service, 1 June 2021.

[3] Mukherjee, Tonya. “Redlining’s Legacy: Food Deserts, Insecurity, and Health.” Morning Sign Out at UCI, University of California, Irvine, 29 Sept. 2020.

[4] “Economy in the 1950s.” Exploros, Shmoop, 2017.

[5] Costa, Kristina, et al. “When Communities Didn’t Have a Say.” Center for American Progress, 24 Apr. 2018.

[6] Morland, Kimberly et al. “Neighborhood characteristics associated with the location of food stores and food service places.” American journal of preventive medicine vol. 22,1 (2002): 23-9. doi:10.1016/s0749-3797(01)00403-2

[7] French, Simone A et al. “Nutrition quality of food purchases varies by household income: the SHoPPER study.” BMC public health vol. 19,1 231. 26 Feb. 2019, doi:10.1186/s12889-019-6546-2

[8] Shannon, Jerry. "Beyond the supermarket solution: Linking food deserts, neighborhood context, and everyday mobility." Annals of the American Association of Geographers 106.1 (2016): 186-202.

[9] Walsh, Bryan. “It’s Not Just Genetics.” Time, Time Inc., 12 June 2008.

[10] Pan, H. Jiahong. “A Food Desert in Downtown Minneapolis? .” Spokesman-Recorder, MSR, 29 Nov. 2023.

[11] Morland, Kimberly, et al. “The Contextual Effect of the Local Food Environment on Residents’ Diets: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study.” American Journal of Public Health, American Public Health Association, 10 Oct. 2011.

[12] “Poor Nutrition.” Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 8 Sept. 2022.

[13] Fadnes, L.T., Celis-Morales, C., Økland, JM. et al. Life expectancy can increase by up to 10 years following sustained shifts towards healthier diets in the United Kingdom. Nat Food 4, 961–965 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1038/s43016-023-00868-w

[14] Northstone K, Joinson C, Emmett P, et al, Are dietary patterns in childhood associated with IQ at 8 years of age? A population-based cohort study, J Epidemiol Community Health 2012;66:624-628.

[15] Bodor, J Nicholas et al. “The association between obesity and urban food environments.” Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine vol. 87,5 (2010): 771-81. doi:10.1007/s11524-010-9460-6

[16] Cantor, Jonathan et al. “SNAP Participants Improved Food Security And Diet After A Full-Service Supermarket Opened In An Urban Food Desert.” Health Affairs (Project Hope) vol. 39,8 (2020): 1386-1394. doi:10.1377/hlthaff.2019.01309

[17] Chen, Hsin-Jen, and Youfa Wang. “Changes in the Neighborhood Food Store Environment and Children's Body Mass Index at Peripuberty in the United States.” The Journal of Adolescent Health Official Publication of the Society for Adolescent Medicine vol. 58,1 (2016): 111-8. doi:10.1016/j.jadohealth.2015.09.012

[18] Levine, James A. “Poverty and Obesity in the U.S.” Diabetes vol. 60,11 (2011): 2667-8. doi:10.2337/db11-1118

[19] “Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP).” Minnesota Department of Human Services, State of Minnesota.

[20] "How Supermarkets Took Over | Full Documentary." YouTube, uploaded by Get.factual, 19 July 2023

[21] Progressive Grocer (PG), 1987: The Performers. Progress. Grocer, 66(12): 53-97.

[22] Turque B., 1992: Where the Food Isn't. Newsweek, 119: 36

[23] Zhang, Mengyao, and Ghosh Debarchana. “Spatial Supermarket Redlining and Neighborhood Vulnerability: A Case Study of Hartford, Connecticut.” Transactions in GIS : TG vol. 20,1 (2016): 79-100. doi:10.1111/tgis.12142

[24] Business Enterprise Trust, 1993: The Business Enterprise Awards: 1993 Recipient.

[25] Martin, Katie S., et al. "If you stock it, will they buy it? Healthy food availability and customer purchasing behavior within corner stores in Hartford, CT, USA." Public health nutrition 15.10 (2012): 1973-1978.

[26] Kim, Mhinjine et al. “Barriers to and Facilitators of Stocking Healthy Food Options: Viewpoints of Baltimore City Small Storeowners.” Ecology of food and nutrition vol. 56,1 (2017): 17-30. doi:10.1080/03670244.2016.1246361

[27] “Brightside Produce Minneapolis.” BrightSide Produce

[28] City of Minneapolis. “Staple Foods.” Staple Foods Ordinance - City of Minneapolis, City of Minneapolis

2010 Census Tract Outlines:  Metadata: Census Geography 2010 - Realigned; Block, BlockGroup & Tract (mn.gov) 

2020 Census Tract Outlines:  Metadata: Census 2020 Geography - Blocks, Block Groups, Tracts, Counties, and County Subdivisions (mn.gov) 

City Outlines:  Metadata: Counties and Cities & Townships, Twin Cities Metropolitan Area (mn.gov) 

Population and Percent White:  Metadata: Decennial Census 2020 (mn.gov) 

Poverty Rate, SNAP Benefits, Vehicle Access, and Food Desert Status:  USDA ERS - Data Access and Documentation Downloads 

Redlining:  Metadata: Historic Home Owners' Loan Corporation Neighborhood Appraisal Map (mn.gov) 

Obesity and Diabetes:  Metadata: 500 Cities: Census Tract-level Data (GIS Friendly Format), 2019 release 

Commercial Zones:  Metadata: Generalized Land Use 2020 (mn.gov)